The GOP-led House of Representatives recently passed legislation intended to formalize a federal interpretation of antisemitism, marking a major step in the ongoing national debate over how the United States defines and responds to anti-Jewish discrimination. The bill, passed with a significant bipartisan majority of 320–91, seeks to codify the International Holocaust Remembrance Alliance’s (IHRA) working definition of antisemitism into Title VI of the Civil Rights Act of 1964—a foundational federal statute that prohibits discrimination in educational programs and other institutions receiving federal funding. This move comes during a period of heightened political tension and widespread national attention on campus protests linked to the Israel–Hamas war, which erupted in October 2023 following the Hamas attack on Israel. Over the past several years, but especially after October 7, demonstrations, encampments, and counter-protests have spread across colleges and universities, often leading to accusations that administrators have failed to protect Jewish students from harassment or intimidation. Supporters of the bill argue that adopting a standardized federal definition of antisemitism will give the Department of Education clearer guidance when evaluating civil-rights complaints and determining whether conduct—especially on college campuses—constitutes discrimination on the basis of shared ancestry or ethnic characteristics. Opponents, however, caution that the bill risks conflating political expression with discriminatory action, setting the stage for potential First Amendment conflicts.

The bill was introduced by Representative Mike Lawler (R-NY), who framed it as a necessary response to what he and many other lawmakers describe as a troubling national increase in incidents targeting Jewish students. His legislation incorporates the IHRA’s widely referenced but often debated definition of antisemitism, which describes it as “a certain perception of Jews, which may be expressed as hatred toward Jews.” In addition to this broad definition, the IHRA includes several “contemporary examples” that show how antisemitism can manifest, such as promoting conspiracies about Jewish global control, denying the Holocaust, or targeting Jewish institutions for violence. Other examples pertain to political discourse involving Israel, including applying double standards to the Jewish state or denying its right to exist. Under the bill, the Department of Education would be instructed to use both the IHRA’s definition and its contemporary examples when investigating discrimination complaints under Title VI. According to Lawler’s office, this standardized approach would ensure that Jewish students receive the same protections already extended to students of other ethnic or ancestral backgrounds, and would help federal agencies clearly distinguish between legitimate political debate and conduct that veers into unlawful harassment or discrimination. His staff emphasized that the bill was introduced shortly after the October 7 Hamas attack, in what they described as an intensified environment of hostility toward Jewish students across many campuses.

The legislation has drawn strong support from Republican leaders and several Democrats who argue that Jewish students urgently need stronger civil-rights protections. House GOP Conference Chair Elise Stefanik, one of the bill’s most vocal supporters, said on social media that she “fully supports Rep. Mike Lawler’s Antisemitism Awareness Act of 2023,” adding that the measure codifies a previous executive order issued during the Trump administration that instructed federal agencies to consider the IHRA definition when enforcing civil-rights laws. Stefanik argued that by making the IHRA definition part of statutory law, Congress would be reinforcing its commitment to ensuring that Jewish students “feel safe once again on campus” and sending a clear message that antisemitism will not be tolerated. Many supporters view the legislation as a necessary response to what they describe as the failure of university administrators to adequately address harassment directed at Jewish students during the recent wave of protests over the conflict in Gaza. They argue that while protest and criticism of Israeli policies are protected forms of expression, universities have at times allowed behavior that crosses the line into threatening or discriminatory conduct. For these lawmakers and advocacy organizations—including several major Jewish groups—adopting the IHRA definition at the federal level would help establish clear boundaries and prevent institutions from dismissing or minimizing Jewish students’ civil-rights complaints.

Opposition to the bill, however, spans ideological lines and raises fundamental constitutional concerns. Representative Jerry Nadler (D-NY), one of Congress’s most senior Jewish members and a longtime civil-rights advocate, argued during floor debate that the legislation could inadvertently narrow the scope of conduct recognized as antisemitic under federal law, while simultaneously creating legal confusion about what constitutes protected speech. Nadler stressed that some of the IHRA’s contemporary examples involve speech that, while offensive or controversial, is nonetheless protected by the First Amendment when expressed in certain contexts. By linking these examples to federal civil-rights enforcement, he warned, the bill risks giving the impression that mere political criticism of Israel—such as opposing Zionism or questioning Israeli government policies—could trigger federal penalties or investigations, even if no discriminatory conduct has occurred. Several Republicans raised similar concerns, with Representative Thomas Massie (R-KY) arguing that the bill was “poorly conceived and unconstitutional.” Massie questioned whether Americans expressing political or historical critiques could face legal consequences, noting that the bill itself does not define antisemitism but instead incorporates external materials that could be interpreted narrowly or broadly depending on agency discretion. Civil-liberties organizations, including the ACLU, have also cautioned that the legislation could chill free speech in academic settings, particularly in debates surrounding Israel, the occupation, and U.S. foreign policy.

Although critics argue that codifying the IHRA definition could have unintended consequences, supporters within Congress maintain that the measure is necessary to address what they describe as a widespread rise in antisemitic incidents within K–12 schools and higher-education institutions. This perspective gained additional momentum as the House Education and Workforce Committee opened new federal inquiries into allegations of antisemitism in several school districts, including the Berkeley Unified School District in California. In letters sent to Berkeley, the School District of Philadelphia, and Fairfax County Public Schools in Virginia, Committee Chair Tim Walberg (R-MI) and Subcommittee Chair Kevin Kiley (R-CA) stated that Jewish and Israeli students had reportedly been “regularly bullied and harassed” since the outbreak of the Israel–Hamas war. They expressed concerns that some teachers and administrators had either failed to intervene or had actively contributed to a hostile environment. The letter cited allegations that in Berkeley schools, Jewish students faced open harassment in classrooms and hallways, and that certain staff members had either encouraged the hostility or ignored complaints. These allegations follow a formal complaint filed earlier by the Louis D. Brandeis Center for Human Rights Under Law and the Anti-Defamation League, which accused the Berkeley school district of allowing “severe and persistent” discrimination against Jewish students. Supporters of the House bill argue that cases like these demonstrate the urgent need for federal agencies to apply a consistent definition when evaluating whether antisemitic harassment has occurred.

With the House having approved the legislation, the bill now moves to the Senate, where its prospects remain uncertain. Senators from both parties have expressed interest in adopting the IHRA definition in some form, but disagreements persist over whether it should be incorporated into federal law or used in a more advisory capacity. Some lawmakers favor alternative definitions, such as the Jerusalem Declaration on Antisemitism (JDA), which draws clearer distinctions between political speech about Israel and discriminatory conduct directed at Jewish individuals. Others believe that the IHRA definition—already adopted by dozens of countries and widely used by law-enforcement agencies—provides the most practical framework for identifying antisemitism in complex real-world situations. As the debate unfolds, universities, civil-rights groups, and Jewish organizations are watching closely, aware that the Senate’s decision could shape federal civil-rights enforcement for years to come. Regardless of the bill’s fate, the broader national conversation about antisemitism, free expression, and campus safety is likely to continue well beyond this legislative moment. The controversy reflects deeper societal tensions over how to protect vulnerable communities while preserving robust political debate, particularly during a time of global conflict and domestic polarization. As the Senate considers its next steps, the bill has become a focal point in the ongoing effort to define the boundaries of protected speech, discrimination, and the federal government’s responsibility to uphold civil rights in educational settings.